MONEY, POWER and MODERN ART

PART V: Modern art and freedom of expression

By
Henry C K Liu

PART 1: Ruthless Empire Builders
PART 2: A Monetary Coup d'etat
PART 3: The Year of Contradictions
PART 4: Modern art and Socialism

Abby Aldrich Rockefeller and two other serious collectors created the Museum of Modern Art in response to the Metropolitan Museum's lack of enthusiasm for the work of modern artists they collected. When her third child and second son Nelson, in whom she had cultivated a life-long love for modern art, graduated from college in 1930 at age 22, he was appointed chairman of the Junior Advisory Committee of the museum and began to take an active role in its affairs. The Junior Advisory Committee under Nelson Rockefeller soon became aware of public criticism of the Modern's near-exclusive focus on modern European artists. In fact, the opening exhibit of the Museum of Modern Art consisted entirely of European artists. It was one thing to face the fact that US culture had yet to flower while pre-modern art was being created in Europe and other ancient cultures, but the Untied States had come of age in the modern era and American artists now deserved their place in the sun. The Junior Advisory Committee criticized the museum's trustees for neglecting the works of American artists and, in response, the trustees authorized the committee to organize a show, "Murals by Painters and Photographers", of works of American muralists who were beginning to be productive under the aegis of the Works Progress Administration (WPA) of the New Deal of president Franklin D Roosevelt. The artists were commissioned in 1932 and, when the advance showing unveiled their works, the trustees and young Nelson were shocked. Many of the murals adopted the radical political tone of the time, with most leaning sharply to the left.

Included in the exhibit was a work by Hugo Gellert (1892-1985), a Hungarian immigrant who came to the US in 1906 at age 14, titled Us Fellas Gotta Stick Together - Al Capone. It depicts Henry Ford, president Herbert Hoover, J P Morgan, and John D Rockefeller Sr sitting with none other than Al Capone, the celebrated Chicago gangster. The statement made through this work of art, that capitalism is a crime and the most successful capitalists are criminals, sent young art-loving Nelson into a state of panic. Such a charge, in the atmosphere of the Depression, when large numbers of hard-working people had suddenly lost their jobs and life savings, struck a popular response not only from the radical left but also from the conservative right, which had always viewed members of the Eastern money trust as little better than criminals in their unethical machination over the nation's money through the establishment of a privately owned central bank.

Gellert had provided the cover illustration for the first issue of a new magazine, The Liberator (February 1918), which featured John Reed's report on the Russian Revolution. By 1930, Gellert was a well-known artist with a passionate commitment to leftist political agitation, which he professed as inseparable from art. Gellert's activities contributed significantly to the political tone of American art of the 1930s. He played a key role in organizing the Artists Committee for Action and the Artists Union, two pivotal institutions that greatly contributed to the instigation and perpetuation of the federally funded WPA art programs. He served on the editorial committee of Art Front, official publication of the Artists Union. A Gellert drawing adorned the masthead of the premier issue, with a Stuart Davis drawing on the cover. Gellert helped organize the American Artists Congress of February 1936, where he was the keynote speaker. He spoke at the second American Artists Congress in December 1937 as well. Also in late 1937, Gellert became involved with the Artists Coordination Committee for the National Exhibition of Contemporary American Art at the 1939 New York World's Fair. At the same time, Gellert oversaw the formation of a labor union to protect the rights of muralists and their assistants as the World's Fair was being planned. Gellert painted a spectacular mural imbued with the technological optimism pervasive in 1930s Modernism for the Communications Building at the Fair, which unfortunately, along with two other murals in New York City painted during the 1920s and 1930s, have since been demolished along with the buildings that housed them.

Gellert had been invited to Moscow by the USSR State Publishing House to design book jackets for Russian editions of Theodore Dreiser's books. Upon his return to New York in 1928, he painted a mural in the Workers Party Cafeteria on Union Square. Deeply influenced by Russian Modernism of the 1920s, it was one of the first Modernist murals in the United States, just predating the North American commissions of Diego Rivera (1886-1957) and Jose Clemente Orozco (1883-1949). Orozco painted a mural at the New School for Social Research in New York, celebrating fraternity, world revolution, labor, the arts and sciences and the struggle against slavery, and a group of frescos for the Baker Library at Dartmouth College (1932-34), where Nelson Rockefeller was an alumnus.

In November 1928, shortly after the Workers Party Cafeteria mural's unveiling, The New Yorker declared: "The Gellert murals are the only ones on this continent except those of Rivera in Mexico City that are really contemporary." About 2.4 meters high, Gellert's mural covered one entire wall, 24 meters long, and a facing wall nine meters long. The long wall included a frieze of monumental, brightly colored, sculpturally rendered, industrial workers standing before precisionist factories and mine structures. The mural was destroyed when the building was demolished in 1954.

In 1932, Gellert captured headlines in New York with a mural study that he submitted to the invited Museum of Modern Art's "Murals by Painters and Photographers" exhibition. Gellert's painting Us Fellas Gotta Stick Together - Al Capone (Collection of The Wolfsonian, Miami Beach, Florida), along with Ben Shahn's famous The Passion of Sacco and Vanzetti (Collection of the Whitney Museum of American Art, New York) and a painting by William Gropper (1897-1977), was rejected for the exhibition. Gropper's painting, The Lawmakers, once hanging in the White House, is now part of the Clinton Presidential Library collection in Arkansas. It was a gift to president Bill Clinton in 1994. The Museum of Modern Art (MOMA) now lists more than 30 of Gropper's etchings and lithographs in its permanent collection.

Gellert painted Us Fellas during a time when the Rockefeller family was being criticized for commissioning no work by American artists for the Rockefeller Center project. The right-wing extremists had always attacked the Rockefellers for being internationalists. The extreme right had gone as far as accusing J P Morgan of being a US agent of the globalist Bank of England and the Rothschilds. "Globalization" was a dirty word throughout much of US history when the nation was the victim. In February 1932, The Art Digest reported: "The rumor that the murals for Radio City, the Rockefeller project in the heart of New York, were to be commissioned to Rivera, [Jose Maria] Sert and other foreign artists [Frank Brangwyn] has stirred up a tempest." The British painter Brangwyn worked under William Morris; his subsequent travels provided inspiration for his paintings. He was strongly influenced by the art nouveau movement, and is best known for his large murals. In an article published in New Masses, Gellert himself explained the backlash effect: "Upon the heels of this upheaval, the Museum of Modern Art, of which Mrs John D Rockefeller Jr is treasurer, invited [domestic] artists to participate in an exhibition of mural decorations."

Gellert's Us Fellas was clearly meant to offend and provoke the Rockefellers. The situation threatened to become embarrassing for the museum when a number of other artists in the exhibition declared that they would withdraw their works if the offending paintings by Gellert, Gropper and Shahn were not hung. Wishing to avoid a scandal, the museum quickly conceded and agreed to include the three works in the exhibition (but not to reproduce them in the catalogue). However, the press nonetheless played up the story. The day before the exhibition opened, the New York Daily World Telegram announced: "Insurgent art stirs up storm among society. Murals for Modern Museum rejected as offensive, then accepted. Linked Hoover to Al Capone."

One would think that Gellert would then be assigned to the ranks of untouchables by the Rockefellers. Indeed, Helen Appleton Read, a critic for the Brooklyn Daily Eagle, observed:
It suffices to say that the panels sent in by Gellert, Shahn and Gropper had no place in an exhibition purporting to discover material with which to enrich the walls of modern buildings.
But shortly after the "Murals by Painters and Photographers" show closed, Gellert was contacted by Eugene Schoen, an interior designer hired by the Rockefeller Center Corp, informing him that Wallace K Harrison, a relative and close friend of Nelson Rockefeller, a liberal from Massachusetts and one of the younger architects of Rockefeller Center, had seen Gellert's cafeteria mural and wanted Gellert to paint a mural for the Center Theater, a small cinema within the Rockefeller Center complex. The mural was later destroyed when the movie theater was demolished to make room for an office building.

In 1953, Paul Robeson was guest speaker at the 40th anniversary observation of Gellert's career. Gellert appeared as himself in Warren Beatty's 1982 film Reds as a "witness" to historic events. On October 3, 1985, he spoke at the Masses exhibition at Whitney Museum, New York, and two months later, on December 6, he died at home in Freehold, New Jersey.

Trouble at Rockefeller Center

Nelson and the entire Rockefeller family genuinely believed they were true lovers of art and freedom, and they worked hard to project a public image of tolerance to which they tried to live up in their personal lives. They were drawn to the idea of "art for art's sake" as a philosophy embedded with a high sense of freedom. Yet freedom to be abstract was less objectionable than freedom to confront with realism. The Rockefellers had made extraordinary efforts to display their art collections to the public, in keeping with their commitment to public service, rather than locking it away in private collections as selfish acquirers. Yet despite Nelson's love for art and his support of freedom of expression in art, he could not reconcile himself to the aggressively hostile ideological messages displayed by some of these murals. While Nelson firmly believed that artists had an inviolable right to express their political views, his commitment to the sanctity of private property argued that artists should not abuse their privilege by attacking the very system that allowed them to exercise their right of free expression with funding of displays of their art to the world. Yet freedom is indivisible. Denial of the freedom to attack the sacred amounts to support for the profane. The breaking of taboos is the very basis of freedom. Fearful of negative publicity to their carefully cultivated liberal image from any attempt to cancel the exhibit, the museum, under pressure from the solidarity of many artists in the show, displayed the offensive murals as inconspicuously as possible without further incident.

The controversy surrounding the Modern's American-mural exhibition set the stage for a clash of ideological values that would once again place the young Nelson Rockefeller in an uncomfortable position of having to choose between freedom of expression through art, and the censorship of art that expressed ideologies that opposed those of his class. While the 1932 mural exhibition was being put together, Nelson was also put in charge of commissioning an artist to paint a mural in the lobby of the RCA Building under construction in Rockefeller Center, which today is the GE Building after General Electric transformed itself from an industrial corporation into a financial conglomerate and acquired RCA.

In 1929, Nelson's father, John D Rockefeller Jr, began construction of the Rockefeller Center, a monument to good urban design, to provide jobs in the midst of the Great Depression and to instill renewed confidence in the collapsed economy and battered capitalism. The project was intended to represent all that was good about capitalism at a time when the modern capitalist system faced its greatest crisis. It was also intended to reflect the achievements of the American way of life while standing as a symbol of the future possibilities of big-business capitalism. The task of decorating the lobby of this mecca of capitalist progress fell to Mexican artist Diego Rivera, after the terms of the commission had been rejected by Henri Matisse and Pablo Picasso, who was one of Nelson's favorite artists despite being a communist.

In November 1930, Rivera arrived in San Francisco to paint a mural for the Stock Exchange. This was followed by a witty fresco for the California School of Fine Art showing the painter and his team at work: right at the center of the composition is Rivera's enormous backside. He went to New York in November 1931 for a retrospective exhibition at MOMA. This was the museum's 14th exhibition and only its second one-man show - the first had been devoted to Matisse. It broke all previous attendance records and transformed Rivera and his wife, Frida Kahlo, into major celebrities symbolizing the populist spirit of the epoch. His next stop was Detroit, where he had been invited to provide murals for the inner courtyard of the Detroit Museum. The reception given to the murals when they were officially unveiled in March 1933 was stormy, but Rivera and his supporters prevailed. The painter then moved back to New York to carry out a yet more prestigious commission - a mural for the RCA Building, focal point of the new Rockefeller Center.

The decision to commission Rivera carried a known risk. Unlike Picasso, whose commitment to communism was abstract, Rivera was an avowed communist and was known to be inclined to fill his murals with realist political imagery, not cubist abstraction. He was, however, an extremely popular artist and was a favorite of Nelson's mother, Abby, who was also a good friend of Rivera's communist comrade and artist wife, Kahlo, briefly a lover of Leon Trotsky when the exiled revolutionary was a guest at Rivera's home in Mexico. With the reluctant consent of John D Rockefeller Jr, Rivera was offered a generous commission of US$21,000 (equivalent of $5 million today) and given a theme for the mural. The commission was not simply to decorate the walls of the lobby of a major corporate headquarters building, but to serve a propaganda function in the tradition of Michelangelo's fresco on the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel. While Michelangelo's Sistine Chapel ceiling was dedicated to the glory of God, Rivera's mural in the RCA building was intended to glorify capitalism. Rockefeller Jr wrote a letter to Rivera: "The philosophical or spiritual quality should dominate ... We want the paintings to make people pause and think and to turn their minds inward and upward ... Our theme is NEW FRONTIERS ..." Rivera was given the cumbersome title "Man at the Crossroads Looking with Hope and High Vision to the Choosing of a New and Better Future," and he began work in March of 1933, the year Adolf Hitler came to power in Germany. To Rivera, a new and better future pointed to communism. To Rockefeller, capital and labor were natural symbiotic partners, not enemies, if only capital would act with benevolence and labor with dependability, capitalism would lead mankind to unbound destiny. This was a view that led to the Ludlow Massacre of 1913.

The year 1913 was the one during which modern art was introduced to the United States through the Armory Show, the same year that central banking was instituted in the US to legitimize the private control of money, and the same year of the Paterson Strike Pageant to support workers' rights. It was also the year of the Ludlow Massacre. On September 17, 1913, workers in the mines of the Rockefeller-owned Colorado Fuel and Iron Co (CF&I) went on strike. The strike call read: "All mineworkers are hereby notified that a strike of all the coal miners and coke-oven workers in Colorado will begin on Tuesday, September 23, 1913 ... We are striking for improved conditions, better wages, and union recognition. We are sure to win." What came to be known as the Ludlow Massacre occurred on Monday, April 20, 1914. More than 3,000 kilometers separated the Rockefeller headquarters in New York from southern Colorado, where one of history's most dramatic confrontations between capital and labor took place. The face-off raged for 14 hours, during which the miners' tent colony was pelted with machine-gun fire and ultimately torched by the state militia. A number of people were killed, among them two women and 11 children who suffocated in a pit they had dug under their tent to protect themselves from gunfire. The deaths were blamed on John D Rockefeller Jr, Abby's husband and Nelson's father. For years after, the Rockefellers would struggle to redress the tragic event, and strengthen the Rockefeller social conscience and activism in the process.

The following record of communication provides a glimpse of the ideological conflict behind the incident:

Rockefeller Jr to CF&I vice president Lamont Bowers after the beginning of the strike, October 1913: "We feel that what you have done is right and fair and that the position you have taken in regard to [opposing] the unionizing of the mines is in the interest of the employees of the company. Whatever the outcome, we will stand by you to the end."

Lamont Bowers to Rockefeller, October 21: "Our net earnings would have been the largest in the history of the company by $200,000 [$100 million today] but for the increase in wages paid the employees during the last few months. With everything running so smoothly and with an excellent outlook for 1914, it is mighty discouraging to have this vicious gang come into our state and not only destroy our profit but eat into that which has heretofore been saved."

Federal mediator Ethelbert Stewart commented on the situation that same month: "Theoretically, perhaps, the case of having nothing to do in this world but work ought to have made these men of many tongues as happy and contented as the managers claim ... To have a house assigned you to live in ... to have a store furnished you by your employer where you are to buy of him such foodstuffs as he has, at a price he fixes ... to have churches, schools ... and public halls free for you to use for any purpose except to discuss politics, religion, trade unionism or industrial conditions; in other words, to have everything handed down to you from the top; to be ... prohibited from having any thought, voice or care in anything in life but work, and to be assisted in this by gunmen whose function it was, principally, to see that you did not talk labor conditions with another man who might accidentally know your language - this was the contented, happy, prosperous condition out of which this strike grew ... That men have rebelled grows out of the fact that they are men."

Stewart unwittingly proclaimed a socialist vision, except for the unmentioned siphoning off of surplus value - return on capital, or profit to shareholders, from the blood and sweat of workers.

Rockefeller to Lamont Bowers, December 8, 1913: "You are fighting a good fight, which is not only in the interest of your own company but of other companies of Colorado and of the business interests of the entire country and of the laboring classes quite as much. I feel hopeful the worst is over and that the situation will improve daily. Take care of yourself, and as soon as it is possible, get a little let-up and rest."

Rockefeller, the benevolent capitalist, defended the "open shop" before a congressional committee on April 6, 1914: "These men have not expressed any dissatisfaction with their conditions. The records show that the conditions have been admirable ... A strike has been imposed upon the company from the outside ... There is just one thing that can be done to settle this strike, and that is to unionize the camps, and our interest in labor is so profound and we believe so sincerely that that interest demands that the camps shall be open camps, that we expect to stand by the officers at any cost."

Question: "And you will do that if it costs all your property and kills all your employees?"

Rockefeller: "It is a great principle."

New York Times' account of the massacre on April 21, 1914: "The Ludlow camp is a mass of charred debris, and buried beneath it is a story of horror imparalleled [sic] in the history of industrial warfare. In the holes which had been dug for their protection against the rifles' fire the women and children died like trapped rats when the flames swept over them. One pit, uncovered [the day after the massacre] disclosed the bodies of 10 children and two women."

Rockefeller to Lamont Bowers, April 21: "Telegram received ... We profoundly regret this further outbreak of lawlessness with accompanying loss of life."

Socialist writer Upton Sinclair's open letter to Rockefeller, April 28: "I intend to indict you for murder before the people of this country. The charges will be pressed, and I think the verdict will be 'Guilty'. I cannot believe that a man who dares to lead a service in a Christian church can be cognizant and therefore guilty of the crimes that have been committed under your authority. We ask nothing but a friendly talk with you. We ask that in the name of the tens of thousands of men, women and children who are this minute suffering the most dreadful wrongs, directly because of the authority which you personally have given."

Rockefeller's version of the events, June 10, 1914: "There was no Ludlow massacre. The engagement started as a desperate fight for life by two small squads of militia against the entire tent colony ... There were no women or children shot by the authorities of the state or representatives of the operators ... While this loss of life is profoundly to be regretted, it is unjust in the extreme to lay it at the door of the defenders of law and property, who were in no slightest way responsible for it."

To Rockefeller, the deaths were caused by lawlessness, nothing else.

Rockefeller's testimony before the United States Commission on Industrial Relations, January 26, 1915: "I should hope that I could never reach the point where I would not be constantly progressing to something higher, better - both with reference to my own acts and ... to the general situation in the company. My hope is that I am progressing. It is my desire to."

Question: "You are, like the Church says, 'growing in grace'?"

Rockefeller: "I hope so. I hope the growth is in that direction."

Rockefeller speaking to the miners on September 20, 1915: "We are all partners in a way. Capital can't get along without you men, and you men can't get along without capital. When anybody comes along and tells you that capital and labor can't get along together, that man is your worst enemy. We are getting along friendly enough here in this mine right now, and there is no reason why you men cannot get along with the managers of my company when I am back in New York."

United Mine Workers' leader John Lawson commented on Rockefeller's visit to Colorado in September: "I believe Mr Rockefeller is sincere ... I believe he is honestly trying to improve conditions among the men in the mines. His efforts probably will result in some betterments which I hope may prove to be permanent. However, Mr Rockefeller has missed the fundamental trouble in the coal camps. Democracy has never existed among the men who toil under the ground - the coal companies have stamped it out. Now, Mr Rockefeller is not restoring democracy; he is trying to substitute paternalism for it."

Thus, 15 years later, Rockefeller looked for expression of his NEW FRONTIER through Rivera, a free-spirited artist, exuberant, provocative and an avowed communist. The Rockefellers had by then become the very embodiment of liberal capitalism, and a family obsessed with virtue and restraint and a heavy measure of religious guilt over wealth, derived not so much from the controversial manner in which such wealth had been accumulated, but by the very accumulation itself, which might have subconsciously positioned them to select Rivera as an cleansing act of self flagellation. Indeed, Diego Rivera and the Rockefellers could not have been more different. And yet, for a brief moment in the midst of the turbulent 1930s, they shared the spotlight in a bizarre and very public drama. Their improbable association would soon unravel, bringing about one of the biggest art scandals of the 20th century, with freedom of expression as the victim. The "battle of Rockefeller Center", as Rivera liked to call it, left both parties bruised - and the lobby of the RCA Building devoid of a memorial to the dialectic relationship between capitalism and socialism.

Unlike Rockefeller Jr, who was born to great wealth in the most prosperous city in the United States, Diego Rivera was born in 1886 in Guanajuato, Mexico, into a family of modest means. From a very early age, Rivera showed a talent for art and drawing, unlike Rockefeller Jr, who grew up in a household of conservative restraint and whose only relationship to art was through obligatory collecting. At the age of 21, Rivera won a scholarship to study in Europe in 1907 and spent the next 14 years there, mostly in Spain, where he was influenced by the paintings of El Greco and Francisco de Goya, and later in France, where he, already an accomplished artist, became involved with the avant-garde, including Paul Cezanne, Picasso and Piet Mondrian, and experimented with his own Cubist style. At one time, he shared a studio with Amedeo Modigliani, who painted some striking portraits of him. He also made contact with the Russian avant-garde, and was even known to have two beautiful Russian mistresses.

But abstract art did not satisfy Rivera's political passion. Drawn by the social movements unleashed by the Mexican Revolution, Rivera decided to go back to his homeland in 1921. There, he developed a unique style that combined the influence of European art with Mexico's indigenous pre-Columbian iconography. In his populist murals, he used vibrant colors and simple scenes of the plight of the working class throughout Mexican history to convey his Marxist ideals. In 1922, his revolutionary convictions led him to join the Mexican Communist Party while Rockefeller Jr evolved gradually from conservative into liberal Republicanism. During a visit to the Soviet Union in 1927, Rivera painted a collection of sketches that would be purchased by an avid American collector of modern art, Abby Rockefeller. Part of Rivera's appeal to American collectors was his celebration of indigenous culture, which non-native North Americans had rejected in favor of aping British taste despite their political opposition to British tyranny.

Abby's interest in the communist Mexican painter was not surprising. By the early 1930s, Rivera had become one of the best-known and most influential artists in the world, and its most famous muralist. His politics were not controversial as radicalism was much in vogue and communism was the preoccupation of the intellectual elite and anti-communism had not yet found shelter behind the disingenuous mask of anti-Soviet patriotism. In 1931, MOMA organized an extensive retrospective of his work. A year later, notwithstanding his ambivalence toward the United States, Rivera traveled to the US to work on several commissions. He was accompanied by his wife, Frida Kahlo, herself an accomplished painter. The culmination of the trip was to be a large mural for the centerpiece of the most talked-about architectural project in the country, the new Rockefeller Center.

Rivera's visit to the US unfolded against the backdrop of the Great Depression and the intense social and political forces it had unleashed. As an outspoken leftist, the Mexican painter tapped into growing concerns over the upsurge in radicalism and the growth of the Communist Party.

Fascinated by Rivera's passionate art, Abby and her son Nelson Rockefeller had persuaded the management of Rockefeller Center to commission him to paint a gigantic mural in the grand lobby of the RCA Building. John D Rockefeller Jr reluctantly agreed to give the commission to Rivera, though only as a business compromise. "As for Rivera, although I do not personally care for much of his work; he seems to have become very popular just now and will probably be a good drawing card," he commented. It was an age when radicalism was good marketing and fit into the Rockefellers' image of themselves as enlightened capitalists.

Inspired by the very lofty theme of the mural, "Man at the Crossroads Looking with Hope and High Vision to the Choosing of a New and Better Future", Rivera worked feverishly to present his vision of a socialist future. The panel would feature two opposing views of society, with capitalism representing the past on one side and socialism representing the future on the other. Sketches for the project had been approved and the overall thrust of the piece seemed to have the backing of both Abby and Nelson, who paid Rivera frequent visits.

As Rivera's mural progressed, images of war, airplanes, gas masks, soldiers with bayonets, and death-rays surfaced gradually, reflecting the reality of a world on the edge of oncoming war between fascism and social democracy. There was a section depicting the May Day celebration in Moscow that Abby Rockefeller called "the finest part of the mural yet". The mural also included society ladies drinking gin and, above them, cells of tuberculosis, syphilis and gonorrhea. This was not controversial as the senior Rockefeller was known to be intolerant of alcohol.

On April 24, 1933, the New York World Telegram, after an interview with a media-naive Rivera, ran a story with the headline "Rivera paints scenes of communist activity and John D Jr foots the bill". As hostile public attention was drawn to Rivera's emerging mural, he continued work, painting a scene in which a soldier, a worker, and a black farmer all held hands with Vladimir Lenin. Both Nelson and his mother had earlier declared how much they loved the mural in progress, but the addition of Lenin seemed to have gone too far, on top of press attacks about Rockefeller-financed communist propaganda. After a visit in May of 1933, the 25-year-old Nelson wrote to Rivera: "While I was in No 1 Building at Rockefeller Center yesterday viewing the progress of your thrilling mural, I noticed that in the most recent portion of the painting you had included a portrait of Lenin. The piece is beautifully painted but it seems to me that his portrait appearing in this mural might very seriously offend a great many people. If it were in a private house it would be one thing, but this mural is in a public building and the situation is therefore quite different. As much as I dislike to do so, I am afraid we must ask you to substitute the face of some unknown man where Lenin's face now appears."

Insisting that the figure of Lenin had appeared in his approved original sketches, Rivera refused to budge. He argued that his ideological intent had been clear from the start, and suggested rhetorically that he rather have his work destroyed than compromised.

Sensitive to right-wing accusations that Rockefeller liberalism was sympathetic to communism, if not outright communistic, the Rockefellers felt forced to go with the tide of mainstream anti-communist public sentiment. Rivera was ordered to stop work, paid his fee in full and told to leave the building. Within hours after Rivera was ushered from his unfinished mural in the RCA Building by private guards of Rockefeller Center, 300 protesters gathered outside the building with signs reading "Save Rivera's Art". The episode was front-page news the following day, and some who objected to Rockefeller's censorship of Rivera's art likened the incident to the Nazi book-burning then raging all over Germany.

On the other hand, the National Association of Manufacturers congratulated the young Nelson, calling his efforts courageous and patriotic, and General Motors canceled Rivera's commission for a mural in one of its Chicago buildings in a show of capitalist solidarity. In February of 1934, after almost a year under cover, the unfinished mural was chipped from the wall and destroyed. Rivera, calling the destruction of the mural "an act of cultural vandalism", had not expected that a true art lover would respond to the painter's rhetorical bluff of rather having the mural destroyed than changed, but that was exactly was the young Nelson Rockefeller did, and he justified the destruction by claiming to honor Rivera's artistic integrity. On the other hand, John D Rockefeller Jr, professing no love for modern art, explained to his more conservative father that "the picture was obscene and, in the judgment of Rockefeller Center, an offense to good taste ... It was for this reason primarily that Rockefeller Center decided to destroy it." The grandson destroyed a masterpiece to protect its artistic integrity while the son did it to protect good taste.

Diego Rivera also painted a nude portrait of socialite C Z Guest before she was married, to hang, however briefly, over the bar in the Hotel Reforma in Mexico City. Most women of society of the 1940s would have been scandalized by the painter's request, not to mention its subsequent public unveiling. Not so for the former Lucy Cochrane, a free-spirited girl from a Boston Brahmin family. No one saw anything obscene in Rivera's painting of the socialite in the nude, unlike the face of socialist Lenin. Miss Cochrane went respectably on to marry Winston Frederick Churchill Guest, a Phipps heir of steel fame, when she was 27. She was said to have lived her life to the fullest as a prominent socialite and an arbiter of good taste in society.

Years later, Rivera said of his rhetorical reply to Nelson: "Therefore, I wrote, never expecting that a presumably cultured man like Rockefeller would act upon my words so literally and so savagely, rather than mutilate the conception, I should prefer the physical destruction of the conception in its entirety, but preserving, at least, its integrity."

The Rockefeller Center management team, which had never felt comfortable about Rivera's involvement, reacted swiftly to terminate Rivera's contract. Soon after, mass demonstrations and a deluge of protest letters from all quarters were blaming the Rockefellers for censorship of artistic expression. Before the destruction began, Nelson Rockefeller, an inexperience 26-year-old, did his best to skirt the touchy situation. He had not been directly responsible for the management's decision to terminate Rivera and did not have the authority to reverse it. While the art world vilified the decision, Nelson tried to find a compromise solution to have the mural moved to the Museum of Modern Art.

But it was all in vain. On the night of February 20, 1934, the mural was hammered off the walls, following orders from the Center's management. Rivera, who had by then returned to Mexico, responded by painting a replica of the mural at the Palacio de Bellas Artes in Mexico City. But his career as an international muralist was destroyed by this incident. Still, for the next 25 years Rivera would continue to create a body of work that would establish him as one of the most important artists of the 20th century. He died of heart failure in 1957.

Almost 25 years after the fact, Diego Rivera wrote his own version of the controversy over the Rockefeller Center mural:
When Nelson Rockefeller decided to decorate the main floor of his new RCA Building in Radio City with murals, he also decided to get the best artists for the job. His choices were Picasso, Matisse, and myself. But he set about securing our services in the worst possible way. Through the architect of the building, Raymond Hood, he asked us to submit sample murals. Now, there are few indignities that can be thrown in the face of an established painter greater than to offer him a commission on terms which imply any doubts as to his abilities. But the invitations went further, they specified how the sample murals were to be done. Picasso flatly refused. As for Matisse, he politely but firmly replied that the specifications did not accord with his style of painting. I answered Hood that I was frankly baffled by this unorthodox way of dealing with me and could only say no.

Having thus quickly lost Picasso and Matisse, Rockefeller determined that at the very least he would have me. In May 1932, he entered into the negotiations directly, since, on many matters, Hood and I could not see eye to eye. Hood's idea of a mural was typically American: a mural was a mere accessory, an ornament. He could not understand that its function was to extend the dimensions of the architecture. Hood wanted me to work in a funereal black, white and gray rather than in color, and on canvas rather than in fresco. Our differences piled up when I heard that two inferior painters, Frank Brangwyn and Jose María Sert, had been given the walls previously offered to Picasso and Matisse, walls that flanked the one offered me. Amid this difference and tension, Rockefeller moved with the calm of the practiced politician. He refused to be ruffled. By the fall of the year, he had persuaded Hood to let me work in fresco and in color, and we had agreed on the terms. For the sum of $21,000 for myself and my assistants, I was to cover slightly more than 1,000 square feet [93 square meters] of wall. The theme offered me was an exciting one: "Man at the Crossroads Looking with Hope and High Vision to the Choosing of a New and Better Future". After the complicated preliminaries, I entered into my assignment with enthusiasm. By the beginning of November, I had completed my preliminary sketches, submitted them, and received prompt and unqualified approval from Rockefeller. In March of 1933, Frida and I arrived in New York from Detroit, greeted by the icy blasts of the New York winter.

I set to work immediately. My wall, standing high above the elevators which faced the main entrance of the building, had already been prepared by my assistants, the scaffold erected, the full-scale sketches traced and stenciled on the wet surface, the colors ground. I painted rapidly and easily. Everything was going smoothly - perhaps too smoothly. Rockefeller had not yet seen me or my work, but in the beginning of April, he wrote me that he had seen a photograph of the fresco in one of the newspapers and was enthusiastic about what I was doing. He hoped that I would be finished by the first of May, when the building was to be officially opened to the public.

The center of my mural showed a worker at the controls of a large machine. In front of him, emerging from space, was a large hand holding a globe on which the dynamics of chemistry and biology, the recombination of atoms, and the division of a cell, were represented schematically. Two elongated ellipses crossed and met in the figure of the worker, one showing the wonders of the telescope and its revelation of bodies in space; the other showing the microscope and its discoveries - cells, germs, bacteria, and delicate tissues. Above the germinating soil at the bottom, I projected two visions of civilization. On the left of the crossed ellipses, I showed a night-club scene of the debauched rich, a battlefield with men in the holocaust of war, and unemployed workers in a demonstration being clubbed by the police. On the right, I painted corresponding scenes of life in a socialist country: a May Day demonstration of marching, singing workers; an athletic stadium filled with girls exercising their bodies; and a figure of Lenin, symbolically clasping the hands of a black American and a white Russian soldier and workers, as allies of the future.

A newspaper reporter for a New York afternoon paper came to interview me about my work, then nearing completion. He was particularly struck by this last scene and asked me for an explanation. I said that, as long as the Soviet Union was in existence, Nazi fascism could never be sure of its survival. Therefore, the Soviet Union must expect to be attacked by this reactionary enemy. If the United States wished to preserve its democratic forms, it would ally itself with Russia against fascism. Since Lenin was the pre-eminent founder of the Soviet Union and also the first and most altruistic theorist of modern communism, I used him as the center of the inevitable alliance between the Russian and the American. In doing this, I said, I was quite aware that I was going against public opinion.

Having heard me out, the reporter, smiling politely, remarked that, apart from being a remarkable painter, I was also an excellent humorist.

The following day the reporter's story appeared in his paper, the World Telegram. It told what should have surprised nobody, least of all Nelson Rockefeller, who was fully acquainted not only with my past and my political ideas but with my actual plans and sketches: that I was painting a revolutionary mural. However, the story suggested that I had boxed my patron, Rockefeller, which was, of course, not true. Thus the storm broke. I, who had become inured to storms, only painted on with greater speed. The first of May had passed, and I was nearly finished when I received a letter from Nelson Rockefeller requesting me to paint out the face of Lenin and substitute the face of an unknown man. Reasonable. However, one change might lead to demands for others. And hadn't every artist the right to use whatever models he wished in his painting?

I gave the problem the most careful consideration. My assistants were all for a flat denial of the requests and threatened to strike if I yielded. The reply I sent Rockefeller, two days after receiving his letter was, however, conciliatory in tone. To explain my refusal to paint out the head of Lenin, I pointed out that a figure of Lenin had appeared in my earliest sketches submitted to Raymond Hood. If anyone now objected to the appearance of this dead great man in my mural, such a person would, very likely, object to my entire concept. "Therefore," I wrote, never expecting that a presumably cultured man like Rockefeller would act upon my words so literally and so savagely, "rather than mutilate the conception, I should prefer the physical destruction of the conception in its entirety, but preserving, at least, its integrity."

I suggested as a compromise that I replace the contrasting nightclub scene in the left half of the mural with the figure of Abraham Lincoln (symbolizing the reunification of the American states and the abolition of slavery), surrounded by John Brown, Nat Turner, William Lloyd Garrison, Wendell Phillips, and Harriet Beecher Stowe, or with a scientific figure like Cyrus McCormick, whose reaping machine had contributed to the victory of the Union forces by facilitating the harvesting of wheat in the fields depleted of men.

As I awaited Rockefeller's response, the hours ticked by in silence. I was seized by a premonition that no further word would come, but that something terrible, instead, was about to happen. I summoned a photographer to take pictures of the almost finished mural, but the guards who had been ordered to admit no photographers, barred him. At last, one of my assistants, Lucienne Bloch, smuggled in a Leica, concealed in her bosom. Mounting the scaffold, she surreptitiously snapped as many pictures as she could without getting caught.

On the day in the second week in May when Rockefeller finally made his move, the private police force of Radio City, reinforced the week before, was doubled. My assistants and I, aware that we were watched, that forces were being deployed as if for a military operation, worked on, pretending to ourselves that nothing was happening, or nothing as bad as we feared. But at dinnertime, when our numbers were at their smallest, three files of men surrounded my scaffold. Behind them appeared a representative of the firm of Todd, Robertson and Todd, managing agents for John D Rockefeller Jr. Like a victorious commander, he asked me to come down for a parley. My assistants present at this dark moment, Ben Shahn, Hideo Noda, Lou Block, Lucienne Bloch, Sanchez Flores, and Arthur Niedendorff, looked at me helplessly. Helplessly, I let myself be ushered into the working shack, the telephone of which had been cut off, acknowledged the order to stop work, and received my check.

Other men, meanwhile, removed my scaffold and replaced it with smaller ones, from which they affixed canvas frames covering the entire wall. Other men closed off the entrance with thick curtaining. As I left the building, I heard airplanes roaring overhead. Mounted policemen patrolled the streets. And then one of the very scenes I had depicted in my mural materialized before my eyes. A demonstration of workers began to form; the policemen charged, the workers dispersed; and the back of a seven-year-old girl, whose little legs could not carry her to safety in time, was injured by the blow of a club.

One last thing remained. In February of 1934, after I had returned to Mexico, my Radio City mural was smashed to pieces from the wall. Thus was a great victory won over a portrait of Lenin; thus was free expression honored in America.

One result of the fracas was the cancellation of my General Motors assignment, and I was cut off from commissions to paint in the United States for a long time. Rockefeller, wishing to avoid further bad publicity or the nuisance of a court action, had paid me my entire fee. Out of the $21,000, however, $6,300 went to Mrs Paine as her agent's commission; about $8,000 covered the cost of materials and the wages of assistants; and I was left with somewhat less than $7,000. Considering the loss of present and future commissions, I was advised by my attorney to sue Rockefeller for $250,000 for damages and indemnification. However, I did not sue; a legal action would have tended to nullify my position.

Rockefeller's action in covering the mural - with canvas frames and later with strips of sheath paper - became a cause celebre. Sides were drawn. A group of conservative artists calling themselves the Advance American Art Commission exploited the occasion to condemn the hiring of foreign painters in the United States. In contrast to these chauvinistic second-raters, who would have substituted a national-origin standard for that of artistic excellence, and who applauded Rockefeller's act of vandalism, another group of artists, writers, and intellectuals, including Walter Pach, George Biddle, Bruce Bliven, Robert L Cantwell, Lewis Gannett, Rockwell Kent, H L Mencken, Lewis Mumford, Waldo Pierce, and Boardman Robinson, besought Rockefeller to reconsider what he had done. It was largely because of such protests that Rockefeller waited nearly a year before he destroyed my mural. Two days after it had been covered over, Raymond Hood announced that it would receive "very careful handling". At the worst, two possibilities were suggested as its fate: that it might temporarily be screened with a canvas mural; or that it might be removed, plaster and all, for preservation elsewhere.

Oddly enough, communist leaders such as Robert Minor, Sidney Bloomfield, and my old friend Joe Freeman, editor of the New Masses, denounced the work as "reactionary" and "counterrevolutionary" and condemned me for having betrayed the masses by painting in capitalistic buildings!

In the spring of 1933, I aired my views over a small radio station in New York. "The case of Diego Rivera is a small matter. I want to explain more clearly the principles involved. Let us take, as an example, an American millionaire who buys the Sistine Chapel, which contains the work of Michelangelo ... Would that millionaire have the right to destroy the Sistine Chapel?

"Let us suppose that another millionaire should buy the unpublished manuscripts in which a scientist like [Albert] Einstein had left the key to his mathematical theories. Would that millionaire have the right to burn those manuscripts? ... In human creation there is something which belongs to humanity at large, and ... no individual owner has the right to destroy it or keep solely for his own enjoyment."

- From My Art, My Life: An Autobiography by Diego Rivera (with Gladys March), New York: Citadel Press, 1960. Republished by Dover Publications Inc in 1991
For their part, the Rockefellers were left to deal with the effects of a tainted reputation as arts patrons and as defenders of freedom of expression. The division within the family was revealed by the affair. Abby was mortified and later insisted that she had not wanted the mural destroyed, while her husband, John D Jr, was much more brusque, calling the picture obscene. With the destruction of Rivera's mural, Nelson Rockefeller became in the public eye a censor who destroyed art with political ideas not in line with his own.

Contradiction of Ideals

These two incidents, the American-mural controversy and the Rivera-mural controversy, illustrated the contradiction between the ideals of liberal capitalism and the idea of freedom of expression through art. As an art lover, Nelson Rockefeller understood that art is not simply beauty, but also ideological expression. The art that was created in Rockefeller Center had to be an art that was either sanitized of unwelcome political ideology or an art that was in line with the ideology of the capitalist system. The modern art in the Rockefeller collection represents the politically sanitized art appreciated and encouraged by values held by the collector. Rivera used his art to convey a contemporary political ideology hostile to capitalism. In a public space in Rockefeller Center, art was used by Rockefeller to present to the public a specific ideology, namely, that of liberal capitalism.

While Nelson Rockefeller's wealth enabled him to collect and promote modern art, his class interest forced him to choose between the role of connoisseur and the role of censor. His efforts to sanitize the unwanted socio-political content of art were not unique. Patrons all through the ages sponsored art to glorify their own image and the values they aspired to. Nelson Rockefeller was in a unique position to encourage politically sanitized art through his promotion of non-objective art. His influence as an art collector was far-reaching and his involvement with MOMA and, later, the Museum of Primitive Art placed him in a position in which he could promote the ideology of his class through his interpretation of art. While Nelson Rockefeller believed that political art had a place in museums, he was in a position to influence what place the museum gave to unwelcome political art for display to the public. Through active curatorial involvement and financial support, Nelson Rockefeller was able to extend his influence on a substantial segment of the art world. Works bought and collected by a Rockefeller gained instant commercial value since the Rockefellers processed awesome power as definitive art market makers. Abstract art was a much more sympathetic movement with which to promote art for art's sake. Would a Cubist image of Lenin have bothered anyone? With MOMA abducting Modernism by sanitizing its assault on the value system of bourgeois society, the working class was deprived of an art movement that would have helped its members to understand the dysfunctionality of capitalism.

Art is the collective memory of an epoch. The art of a generation exists to keep the spirit of the generation alive. In this respect, art plays a significant role in constructing the cultural identity of an epoch. Although art censorship is not unique to any civilization, as authorities all through the ages practiced it, censorship presents a special problem for liberal capitalism because capitalism in the age of liberal democracy claims to be a champion of freedom of expression.

It is within the prerogative of capitalist ideology to refuse to honor Lenin, but that provincial attitude conflicts with the myth of capitalist freedom of expression. Nelson Rockefeller's selective retreat from his commitment to freedom of expression was based not so much on personal intolerance as on his need to appease popular opinion for the purpose of fulfilling his political ambition.

The Rise and Fall of Nelson Rockefeller

Nelson Aldrich Rockefeller inherited both a vast family fortune and a politically problematic family image that he had to live down in order to achieve his political ambitions in a democracy. From a very young age, he had expressed the desire to be president, rationalizing that with his great wealth, political leadership was the only goal worth pursuing. But political leadership in a democracy is dependent on popular support, not a natural for the Rockefeller legacy. The second of five brothers, Nelson was the energetic, outgoing leader within his own family. Personally, he had the charisma of effective leadership, but his wealth had become a political burden, not so much from distrust on the part of the voting public but from the hostility of the conservative nominating Republican Party functionaries who consider a liberal millionaire to be the most dangerous beast in politics.

The third generation of Rockefellers - "the Brothers" - grew up in storyland splendor and self-imposed isolation. In an effort to redeem the family name, John Jr had created numerous and distinct philanthropies. Nelson and his brothers grew up in the family home on West 54th Street